Dzongu...A Lepcha reserve

The protected state of the Dzongu area in the Northern confines of the erstwhile Mayel Lyang has ensured independent development and evolution of the Lepcha culture. There has been considerable influence of the latter day Buddhist traditions and the Gombu culture in the social life yet the central ethos of the residents remain more Lepcha as compared to those of the lepchas who have been exposed to newer cultures entering into the Himalayan state. Historically the Dzongu reserve has always been the estate of the Queen of the Kingdom of Sikkim.

According to Gorer (1938) it was ensured by the Maharajah of Sikkim by dint of a law that only pure blooded Lepchas could be landowners in Dzongu and also maintain purity in the native tribe. The erstwhile rulers of Sikkim were quite successful in making Dzongu a Lepcha land. Gorer noted “It is only in zongu and in one or two small villages outside the reserve that there is a homogenous Lepcha society, practically undisturbed by alien influence” (Gorer, 1938 reprinted 1987 pg 37)

The erstwhile rulers of Sikkim took certain measures to uphold the indigenous tribal status of the Lepcha. In 1956, Sir  Tashi Namgyal , the  then maharajah of Sikkim issued a proclamation that stated, inter alia, “the interest of the indigenous and backward people in the North Sikkim area require to be safeguarded.” He also proclaimed “the rules relating to the settlement and /or carrying on of any occupation in such areas by outsiders (non-indigenous) only on a permit issued by the Sikkim Darbar shall continue to hold force” (Proclamation of His Highness Tashi Namgyal, KCSI, KCIE Maharajah of Sikkim, dated August 1956). Following the proclamation, the Home department, government of Sikkim issued a notification stating that “It is hereby ordered that any outsider (non-indigenous) settling and /or carrying on any occupation in the prescribed areas without permit issued by the Sikkim darbar shall be liable to imprisonment upto 3 years and / or fine upto Rs.10000 in default imprisonment upto 6 months.” (Notification no.3069/OS)

QUESTION

It was just the other day that we all were gathered in this  Rong cultural event. The event marked the cultural integration of the Rongs and like always we (youth with intentions) were sharing our views on the present scenario of the Rongs living in different parts of the world. The views were all different and conflicting at times but we all enjoyed the interactions as we would go home with some new ideas. Little did I know that what I would go back home with would come from a young rongkup (maybe still lingering in his late teens) with a hairstyle that reminded me instantly of the animal planet and his attitude was all jumpy and speedy. Actually we passed him off for a young English educated rong with ideas to find a simple rong nyom, his mother would like, in this event. After all most of our Cultural get togethers usually ends with lots of couples and weddings not to forget heartbreaks and sobbing. He came up and started edging his way into our talk with slight nods and a word or two here and there but before long he too was throwing in some wonderful remarks that made us think for a while.I don’t even know whether he just threw his ideas casually or was really serious about his intention. All he asked was “where do we stand as a rongkup in this nation of India or even in the neighboring countries of Nepal and Bhutan?”

This is one simple question that has been thrown around a lot in family get togethers (tungboang faat, namko bree, sunglyon etc.) cultural events and even in picnics and parties. Today many of us have left our “mainland” (Nye Mayel Lyang) in search for work and better opportunities but our ties with the “mainland” is as strong as ever even though we have adopted new strategies to establish our identities. For example I know many Rongs who so confidently refer themselves as “we Nepali (recently replaced by gorkha)” in conversations with their office colleagues. Then there are youngsters who are so thrilled to be “Sikkimese” and give an extra effort to remind friends and peers about his/her adopted identity. In fact I have met some over enthusiasts who even write “Denjyongpa” (of Sikkim) as sir names. And there are others who safely conceal their individuality behind “khansarpas, barfungpas,” or simply Namgyals, Dhondups, Wangchuks, etc. It’s kind of strange to meet youngsters who are just “Vivian” or Sylvestor or even Richard with their Sir names revealed only in their tribal certificates and school certificates.

Some of the “we” thought that it was the growing influence of media and the alien culture preached through them. In fact there was a point there as we see more of our brothers and sisters looking more Koreans than the Koreans themselves. Some of the “we” thought it was the years of sharing our villages and fields with the people of neighboring nations who came by looking for better opportunities. This point too has its validity as we have come across youngsters who claim “nepali” as their mother tongue as a safeguard because they cannot converse in their own language. Then yet again (like always) the religion factor was brought onto the table and another hour or two went by discussing the vices and virtues of the two important religions that have affected the Rongs the most-Buddhism and Christianity. The mild form of Buddhism practiced by the Rongs has in fact brought about a new kind of religion with Bongthingism and Buddhism side by side. The One God theory preached by the Christians had to go extra length by making the Rongs forget the entire age old tradition of Bongthingism and Munism and teach about the life of Jesus and his disciples. Here the Buddhist supporters claimed that at least the culture of the Rongs was preserved during the conversion of the Rongs. But yet again the Christian supporters elaborated that most Buddhist Rongs of Mayel Lyang have not in fact come to terms with the real culture of the Rongs of yore. The rituals and practices are more Buddhist in origin than the genuine Rong culture. So went on the ever increasing discussions of what really happened. In fact many Rongs have adopted the language of the preachers of these two religions as their own. Yes there are many Rongs in Buddhist hinterland of the Renjyong Lyang who are more comfortable with Bhutia language (the “royal language”) while our Christian brothers and sisters utter English words at the drop of a hat. Not to forget the more popular Mom and Dad instead of Aabo and aamu.

But the question of the “modern rong” youngster hit me in totally different area. And it set me thinking the reasons behind our life of denial. Most of us actually are not aware of a Rong hero to worship or to idolize. Our culture is close knit one and the answers given to us by our Thyukungs and Nyukungs are the ultimate and we do not question further. We are by nature tuned to follow what they have to say and advice. Without under estimating our Thyukungs and Nyukungs I believe there are many questions that they do not have appropriate answers to. And I have heard of our Thyukungs and Nyukungs jealously guarding secrets and taking them to their graves thus leaving many of the youngsters unaware. This I believe has contributed to many of our youngsters adopting foreign cultures and their complexities as their own and thus neglecting their own indigenous culture. There is a certain prejudice amongst our elders and wise of under estimating our growing curiosities and eagerness to learn more. In fact they are almost expected to develop Rongsum just by attending Cultural events and singing Rong voms. So I believe the impatient and curious youngsters, in a rush to find acceptance, pick an easy way out-adopt the more prevalent foreign culture as their own. The Buddhist had texts and monasteries to train young ones, the Christian had their churches and seminaries to induct new missionaries. But the Rongs do not have any institution to impart the knowledge of the yore. We simply pass it on from one generation to the other by means of folklores and tales. So in retrospect is it the Rong Youngster to blame for his inability to converse in Rong aring? Why did he adopt cultures foreign to Rong? Did his parents and thyukung and nyukungs play the role that earlier generations had played in case of them?

The rich cultural heritage we have is way beyond comparison to many communities. The age old practices and rituals we have kept alive are as virtuous and sacred as that of other major religions. We even have festivals and occasions through out the year to mark different aspects of our relationship with our immediate environment and nature as a whole. We have heroes who have walked this earth with the same pride and valour as those found in other mythologies. We have an intricate system of social parameters that define our very existence in this planet. We are as complete as any other community which our youngsters so easily adore. So where did we go wrong? Or did we ever go wrong? And the question lingers…..s

The Naturalised Bhutias of Sikkim.

I came across this term very often in my personal venture into the opinions of different authors regarding the history of MayelKup (Lepchas) and erstwhile kingdom of Sikkim. I did not pay much attention to the term at my initial readings but later as the term became more prominent in the writings I became more curious.

If we refresh our history-after 1642 the king of Mayel Lyang (it came to be known as Sikkim only after the Second Chogyal married the Limbu wife) Phuntsog Namgyal was crowned in Yoksam he appointed 12 MayelKup Governors called Dzongpens and some number of Kahlons called Bhutia Councillors. The introduction of Class of Aristocracy in the Class less society of the MayelKup did bring about a certain amount of confusion. But real role was played by Lama Lhatsun Chempo who in his eagerness to convert the local populace into Tibetan Buddhism translated all the Buddhist Texts into Lepcha and ensured that every household had one copy of these Buddhist Lepcha texts called the Naamthars. It is also believed that huge number of original and pre-Buddhist Lepcha Naamthars were collected and burnt to make way or the new religious texts The Chogyal, to appease his Tibetan Patrons, proclaimed the Nyingmapa Buddhism as the State religion. Thus came the class structure with the monastic class and layman class. The Mayelkups did not have much problem in the beginning as there was enough to share with the steadily increasing immigrants from Tibet. But the increase in numbers of the Tibetan in the state soon saw clashes with the aborigines (Mayelkups). The Monastic order also had only Tibetan Lamas who played a major role in the History of the Kingdom-right from validating the royal lineage to the day to day Buddhist life of the recently converted Mayelkups.

This new yet appealing class disparity brought about a new surge among the determined and shrewd Mayelkups to climb up the social ladder by equating oneself with the community of the regal family- Bhutia. This adoption was ensured by getting married to daughters of the Bhutia landlords and subsequently assuming Bhutia traditions and culture. The Bhutia Landlords also accommodated this arrangement as most Mayelkups then had huge property in the thinly populated nation. It also became a trend to get wives from Tibet itself like the Chogyal himself. The off springs of such unions were encouraged to adopt the culture of Tibetan mothers. After all in the simple life of the Lepcha this sudden upgrade ensured favours and goodwill from the ruling class. Thus down the ages many ambitious Lepcha families gave up their Lepcha roots to adopt the ruling Bhutia clans. There has been steady decline in the percentage population of he Mayelkups down the ages.

Many authors like RN Thakur, HG Joshi, even Claude White (political officer) have observed he phenomenon and they have mentioned in it in their works. Mr. SK Datta Ray has also mentioned that there were only 12 listed Kazis (the noble families). But this has increased to more than 20 today.

So the term “Naturalised Bhutias of Sikkim” has become a coin word that is often tossed here and there by many authors.

not for Lepcha girls

The origin of the Lepcha Tradition of Lungten Bree started in the high villages of Upper Dzongu. The Lepchas believe that one Tarbong set his eyes upon another Rongmith who went by the name Nareep nyom. When he tried to woo her with his Rongkup charms she told him to come and ask for her hand to her parents in the village. The tradition of naamko bree started with the efforts made by Tarbong to wed his loved one the enchanting Nareep nyom.

A typical Lepcha wedding is not mere union of two souls but of two clans and as such requires sanction not from only from the elders of the family but from the departed souls of the ancestors. It is more of a spiritual union of two clans and as such serves to unite the community in both spiritual as well as mental levels. The tradition of Lepcha wedding serves to elaborate the very existence of the entire community among the hills and rivers of the Nye Mayel Lyang. Lepcha folklores are full of myths and legends of the great couples. In fact every male figure usually has a female counterpart. Eg. Fudong thing and Nazong Nyu, Thekong Tek and Nyukung Ngal, Punu Gaybu Achyok and Nalimit Pundee, Tarbong and Nareep Nyom, Rongnyu and Rongneet, Tendong Lho and Maenam Lho. This observation of the Lepcha myth categorically proves that the Lepcha tradition celebrates the union of the female and male.

So to deny this union and abstain from marriage amounts to denying one’s very heritage and one’s unique cultural identity.

As compared to other neighbouring communities Lepchas are more of Hunters and gatherers than agriculturists. The minimal agriculture practised by the Lepchas for ONGREY ZO and MONG is more of shifting type. The Lepchas traditionally never cultivated crops for commercial purposes. Thus the practise of wedding to increase manual labour did not feature in the social framework of the Lepchas unlike may communities we know. Today the advent of modernism also has not restricted the age old norms from being practised with rigid allegiance. But most Lepchas are still very wary when faced with matrimonial suggestions. Its time we packed our apprehensions and make bold decisions to carry on with what our ancestors left us.

The advent of modernism has brought about a social revolution and most of us have evolved to embrace what the times has to offer. We no longer have to toil out in the fields or hunt in the forests to scrape our meals for our extended families. Most of us have with our effort and trials secured decent paying jobs which I suppose can surely support two souls. In fact most Lepcha ladies too have joined the bandwagon of employment and are in some cases taking home packages that even we can’t imagine. Some Lepcha spinsters choose to marry non-lepchas as they are not offered with good Lepcha choices. But deep down they surely know that they would have preferred a Lepcha man. So this is where we fail to grasp the opportunity and end up in the corner with mere speculations that she would not have approved. There is no harm in trying once. The worst she can do is deny your attempt. And again with most Lepcha ladies in my mind I can safely assure that there are very less cases of denials. After all it’s not everyday she gets a good lepcha man like you asking for her hand in marriage. So just take the plunge maybe you will learn to swim later. If not there are zillions of akus, aneus, moteems, and boteems and anums and anoms who can lend a helping hand. Common we are Lepchas we are at the best when we are helping.

There is a certain hesitation in cases of unemployed bachelors. But its my observation most Lepcha parents are not so strict regarding the groom having regular service or etc. They would be more than pleased to hold their heads high in the community with a Lepcha son-in law. And as a man to another I would say you should at least have the courage and determination to support her before you go out asking her hand.

SUNGLYON and the Final Journey

The SUNGLYON or the after death ceremony of the Lepcha is highlight of the belief Lepchas hold it dear of the afterlife. Whenever fate claims one of the family a MUN is immediately contacted and the preparations of the final journey of the APIL (soul) of the deceased are made. The MUN who acts as a guide for the lost APIL performs the incantations which are very heartrending in tune and the entire chanting is melancholic. It is believed that the APIL is confused about its immediate status and has to be convinced that it has to leave this world and head for the RUMLYANG (land of the GOD) where the ancestors of the PUTSO are awaiting the return. The invocations are done in TUNGBOAR RING and it guides the APIL through the different terrain of the Lepcha country starting somewhere near the present day Sevoke town following the upstream flow of river Teesta, through the holy land of the lepcha (DZONGU in north Sikkim) right up to the allotted CHU (of the PUTSO) through the LEP (gateway or a cave) which is located in the anyone of the many Peaks near and around Mount Kanchenjunga.

The corpse is usually kept in a sitting position and buried facing the great mount Kanchenjunga. After the burial upright stones (LONGCHUKS) are erected, which is but a replica of the great LONG CHUK (Mount Kanchenjunga) itself. The total process of the burial reflects the kinship shared by the lepcha with the nature and the Creator.

The adoption of the Christian and Buddhist faith by the Lepcha has seen a decline in this practice of burial. But the efforts of the village elders and different associations are slowly bringing this tradition back to the cultural life of the Lepcha.

Rong Bree

The Kinship of the Lepchas in Marriage

In the Lepcha society the contracting of marital bonds is not just a union of the two individuals only; it turns out to be an unbreakable tie and a solid link between the two clans concerned as well. No Lepcha marriage can take place within the same AAGIT or PUTSO. Marriage between closely related families is not allowed. The main characteristic of the Lepcha marriage consists of a number of rituals and customary practices all along the different stages of rather long drawn out wedding process. But it can be summarized to three main stages consisting of main and minor rituals. These stages are:

1. NYOM VYAT- the search and inquiry for the bride

2. ASHAKE- the engagement process

3. BREE- the final wedding ceremony

Nyom Vyat: This involves the process of looking for the bride and making necessary enquiries of the would-be bride. The first stage does not involve direct interaction between the girl’s parents or any of her relatives. The boy’s paternal uncle (AKU) makes the necessary enquiries from the girl’s neighbors and fellow villagers whether she is single. Most of the inquiry is about the girl’s family, her health and whether the family or the girl herself has any case history of “cursed diseases” like leprosy etc. When the party is satisfied that there is nothing untoward about the family as well as the girl in consideration the process moves to the next stage which involves direct interaction.

Here the role of an experienced middleman (PEEBU) comes into play. The boy’s family sends two or at the most three of close relatives along with the PEEBU with a gift of CHEE PROK (a packet of fermented millet) to the girl’s house. The girl’s family accepts the CHEE PROK and asks for the purpose of the visit in very subtle manner. The use of the TUNGBOAR ARING (higher Lepcha honorific language) is encouraged during such occasions. The girl’s family is under no obligation to accept the proposal even after accepting the gift of CHEE PROK. But if they are interested in the relationship they let the PEE BU know about it and they invite the girls AAJYOUNG (maternal uncle) into the play. An auspicious day is chosen for the formal engagement process with reference to the necessary sacred books.

Ashake: The formal engagement process starts on this second stage. The Lepcha emphasis of TAAMZUK (respect) becomes more evident in this stage. The boy’s parents in order to keep the stature of the girl’s family more high do not negotiate themselves directly. The middle man (PEEBU) has to be expert in the TUNGBOAR ARING while dealing the girl’s maternal uncles. The whole process involves the test of wits of the PEEBU where he is made to answer all the difficult and witty questions directed to the Boy’s party. After the maternal uncles of the girl are satisfied with the PEEBU’s performance and their queries regarding the boy’s intentions are cleared the gathering decides upon the date of the actual wedding. They also handover the list of gifts the groom’s party has to bring on the day of the wedding. The LAKTO PUNOL or the list of the gifts is the following obligatory items:

1. two full baskets of Chee (fermented millet)

2. one fore leg and one hind leg of a bull. Sometimes it becomes obligatory whether to bring the right or the left ones.

3. AMU DUMDYAM- the traditional dress worn by lepcha women for the mother

4. ABO SUMUK THYAKTUK- a cane hat for the father

5. PUNOL (gift) for the MUJYONG (maternal uncle), ABOAKU (paternal uncle), PHAMING(brother), MUNYU (maternal aunt), BONYU (paternal aunt)

Note: some of the above mentioned gift items can be substituted with nominal monetary value.

Bree: The wedding day is fixed in consultations with the sacred books. On this occasion, only 10 members (in accordance with the RONGKUP KATI tradition) from the groom’s party are asked to reach the bride’s home on the specified time. The groom’s party is fined if they reach the venue later than the affixed time. Even if they reach at time the bride’s family tends to pretend and ignore them as they remain standing at the gate. This is done in a sporty spirit and not meant to insult the groom’s entourage. Finally the negotiator from the bride’s home starts will engage the PAMIBU in TUNGBOAR ARING making subtle enquiries and using delaying tactics which serves as a mild punishment. There is no ill-feeling in such activities and the groom’s party bears it all as a social prank.

The blessing of the wedding couple is done by the BONGTHING (male priest) who invokes the ancestors of both the groom’s and bride’s PUTSO (clan). The incantations of the BONGTHING inform the ancestors’ spirits of the wedding.

In ancient times the groom had to stay at the bride’s home for at least 11 years and prove his worth by doing hard manual labor and all the household work before he could take the bride to his home. The modern times does not allow for such labor and hard work so there is a nominal amount to be paid as the bride price as per the customary laws.

It has to be pointed out that all the rituals mentioned above are according to the authentic lepcha way following the BONGTHING Creed and does not have any influence of the Lamaist Buddhist tradition or the “white wedding” of the Christians. Some ceremonies have undergone some modifications according to the prevalent local systems within the different Lepcha settlements in Sikkim. But the whole concept of marriage is still a sacred and holy alliance. The advent of Buddhism and Christianity has contributed to significant changes in the practice of the rituals. The overwhelmingly large infiltration of people of other communities has also, to some extent, affected the tradition practiced during marriages.